Why So Many Women Work in ICT Without ICT Degrees: Georgia’s Paradox in a Global Perspective

The rapid growth of women’s employment in Georgia’s ICT sector has revealed a structural pattern that extends far beyond national boundaries. While technology policy debates often assume a linear pathway from formal ICT education to ICT employment, BTU’s Digital Ecosystem Digest (2025) shows that in Georgia this pathway is weak—particularly for women. Instead, women are entering ICT jobs at scale despite the limited role of formal ICT education, placing Georgia within a broader global discussion on how digital labour markets actually function.

According to the report, 72% of women employed in ICT professions in Georgia do not have formal ICT-related education, while 87% of women who do hold ICT qualifications are either not employed in ICT roles or are outside the labour market altogether. As a result, the overlap between ICT education and ICT employment among women is only around 28% (BTU Digital Ecosystem Digest, 2025; Geostat). This gap is too large to be explained by individual preferences or short-term distortions; it points to a systemic disconnect between education systems and labour-market realities.

This pattern challenges the conventional “STEM pipeline” logic that dominates both policy design and international comparisons. That model assumes that increasing the number of women in ICT education will automatically translate into higher female employment in technology. Georgia’s data suggest the opposite sequence: women are entering ICT through the labour market first, and often independently of formal education pathways. Employment, in many cases, precedes certification rather than following it.

This divergence is especially visible when recent employment growth is compared with education trends. While women’s employment in ICT professions in Georgia doubled within two years, women still account for only about 19% of students in computer science bachelor’s programmes in 2024/25, despite gradual increases in absolute numbers (BTU Digital Ecosystem Digest, 2025; EMIS). The education system, in other words, is not the primary engine of women’s entry into ICT—even as the sector continues to expand rapidly.

International evidence suggests that this is not an isolated phenomenon. OECD data show that in many advanced economies, a substantial share of women with ICT-related education do not end up working in ICT occupations, while employers simultaneously report persistent shortages of digital talent (OECD). World Bank analyses similarly note that in fast-growing digital economies, labour-market demand for ICT skills often evolves more quickly than formal education systems can adapt (World Bank). Georgia’s case stands out not because the mismatch exists, but because it is particularly pronounced.

In global policy discussions, this dynamic is often framed through the concept of the “leaky pipeline,” implying that women gradually drop out at successive stages between education and employment. Georgia’s experience only partially fits this narrative. Women are not simply leaking out of the pipeline; many are bypassing it altogether. Instead of following a linear educational trajectory, they enter ICT through alternative routes—self-learning, short-term courses, informal training, on-the-job learning, and mid-career transitions. These pathways are increasingly common worldwide as technology cycles shorten and skill requirements change rapidly.

Globally, firms are placing growing emphasis on demonstrable skills rather than formal credentials. In many technology markets, degrees have become weaker signals of job readiness, especially in applied digital roles. International organisations note that this shift toward skills-based hiring can lower entry barriers for women and other underrepresented groups, but it can also create new forms of vulnerability, including career instability and limited progression where credentials remain important for advancement (OECD; ILO). In Georgia, women appear to be the primary users of these alternative entry channels into ICT employment.

From a comparative perspective, Georgia’s paradox highlights a tension observed across both emerging and advanced economies. On the one hand, digital labour markets are becoming more open and flexible, allowing women to enter ICT without traditional credentials. On the other hand, education systems remain slow to realign with these realities, particularly in terms of recognising non-formal learning and supporting transition pathways. In many OECD countries, similar debates are underway around micro-credentials, skills certification, and lifelong learning frameworks—issues that Georgia is already confronting in practice (OECD; World Bank).

The economic implications are significant. World Bank research consistently shows that underutilisation of women’s digital skills reduces innovation potential, productivity, and long-term growth. When women with ICT education fail to transition into ICT jobs, and when ICT sectors rely heavily on informal skill acquisition, economies risk inefficiencies on both sides of the market. Georgia’s experience illustrates both the opportunity and the risk inherent in this model: rapid inclusion on the one hand, and structural fragility on the other.

At the same time, Georgia’s case offers a valuable signal for global policy debates. It demonstrates that formal ICT education is no longer the sole—or even the dominant—gateway into digital professions. Labour markets are already operating on a skills-first logic, and women are among the groups most actively navigating this shift. However, without institutional alignment between education systems, labour-market signalling, and career progression mechanisms, the gap between education and employment may widen further (OECD; World Bank).

In this sense, women’s employment in Georgia’s ICT sector cannot be understood simply as a story of “too few women in STEM.” The evidence points to a more complex and globally relevant reality: women are already entering ICT work in significant numbers, often outside traditional educational routes, and this pattern reflects broader transformations in digital labour markets worldwide. Recognising and analysing these alternative pathways will be essential for designing policies that support sustainable, long-term inclusion of women in the digital economy—both in Georgia and beyond.

The BTU’s full study — “GENDER DYNAMICS IN THE ICT SECTOR IN GEORGIA: A DATA-DRIVEN OVERVIEW OF GAPS AND TRENDS” — is available at the following link.